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Sunday, 24 May 2026

ACCOUNTABILITY DEMANDED: Public Protector’s Hard Deadlines on Charlotte Maxeke Hospital Repairs

ACCOUNTABILITY DEMANDED: Public Protector’s Hard Deadlines on Charlotte Maxeke Hospital Repairs

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

LISTEN HERE @KASIBCAUDIO

​JOHANNESBURG — The Democratic Alliance (DA) in Gauteng has welcomed the strict, binding deadlines outlined in the Public Protector’s (PP) recent report investigating the severe delays in repairing the fire-damaged sections of the Charlotte Maxeke Johannesburg Hospital.

​The critical medical facility continues to operate under compromised conditions, more than five years after a devastating fire tore through parts of the building in April 2021.

​For the latest updates on healthcare infrastructure and public accountability, stay connected with KASIBC_AFRICA at WWW.KASIBC.BLOGSPOT.COM.

Maladministration and Ballooning Costs

​The Public Protector's report found Gauteng’s Departments of Health and Infrastructure Development guilty of maladministration. The investigation concluded that both departments fundamentally failed to meet their statutory and constitutional obligations by neglecting to complete the vital repairs in a timely manner.

​Financial details exposed in the report highlight severe underspending and escalating budgets:

​Budget Underspend: Between 2021 and 2024, only R324 million (49%) of the allocated R667 million budget for planning, repairs, and maintenance was actually spent.

​Escalating Costs: Due to the extensive delays, the total projected cost to fully complete the hospital repairs has ballooned from an initial R1.1 billion to a staggering R1.7 billion.

​The DA heavily criticized these findings, labeling the situation a narrative of "gross incompetence" that has directly caused immense suffering for hospital patients due to heavily disrupted medical services.

Critical Shortages and Outstanding Safety Measures

​The prolonged delays have severely impacted day-to-day operations and patient accessibility at the flagship hospital. Most notably, a continuing shortage of parking remains a major obstacle for elderly and sick patients, as 700 parking bays located in the fire-damaged basement remain completely inaccessible. Furthermore, critical fire compliance measures across the facility are still outstanding.

30-Day Deadline for Remedial Action

​In a bid to enforce immediate accountability, the Public Protector has given Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi and the relevant Heads of Department a strict 30-day deadline to submit a comprehensive action plan.

​The recommended remedial measures mandate clear accountability for management failures and call for targeted lifestyle audits of key officials involved in the project. Additionally, the Auditor General is expected to step in as part of the binding recommendations, which opposition parties suspect will uncover deep-seated corruption.

​The DA has vowed to closely monitor the implementation of the Public Protector’s recommendations to ensure that implicated officials face proper disciplinary action and that no further delays stall the restoration of the hospital.

​VOICE YOUR OPINION: How have the delays at Charlotte Maxeke Hospital impacted your family or community? 

Stay informed on healthcare updates. 

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UNLOCKING OPPORTUNITY: National Treasury’s Jobs Fund Launches 13th Funding Round for Green and Informal Economies

UNLOCKING OPPORTUNITY: National Treasury’s Jobs Fund Launches 13th Funding Round for Green and Informal Economies

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

LISTEN HERE @KASIBCAUDIO

PRETORIA — As South Africa continues to battle a persistently high unemployment rate and widening inequality, the National Treasury’s Jobs Fund has officially launched its 13th Funding Round. The initiative is an urgent call for bold, innovative solutions capable of unlocking scalable and sustainable employment across the country.

​Operating under the theme "Catalysing Demand-Led Growth in the Green and Informal Economy," the latest funding window opened on 18 May and will accept applications until 30 June 2026.

​For the latest updates on economic opportunities, township enterprise development, and employment news, follow KASIBC_AFRICA at WWW.KASIBC.BLOGSPOT.COM.

The Reality of the Labour Market

​South Africa’s labour market remains under severe strain. Data from the Q1 2026 Quarterly Labour Force Survey reveals that the national unemployment rate stands at a staggering 32.7%. Youth and women continue to face the highest barriers to entering the economy, underscoring the vital need for targeted, scalable interventions that can absorb labour and foster inclusive growth.

​The Jobs Fund’s 13th Funding Round serves as a catalytic response to these deep-seated challenges. By utilizing a match-funding model, the Fund aims to pull in private and non-profit sector investments, de-risk new innovations, and back solutions that yield measurable employment outcomes at scale.

A Proven Track Record of Success

​Since its inception in June 2011, the Jobs Fund has established a powerful legacy of public-private collaboration:

​Public Funding Committed: R7.7 billion in public funds have been allocated.

​Matched Contributions: An additional R15.7 billion has been leveraged from co-investment partners.

​Impactful Projects: Over 180 projects have been supported across 12 previous funding rounds.

​Jobs Created: More than 343,000 jobs and internships have been successfully established.

​Skills Developed: Over 418,000 work-seekers and entrepreneurs have received critical training.

​Inclusivity Metrics: Notably, 66% of all programme participants have been youth, 58% have been women, and 98% hail from previously disadvantaged backgrounds.

Targeting the Green and Informal Sectors

​The 13th Funding Round specifically targets sectors with immense labour absorption potential. The green economy presents a massive opportunity to drive job creation while simultaneously advancing South Africa's transition toward a sustainable, low-carbon future.

​Concurrently, the informal economy—which currently employs over 5.7 million people—remains heavily underdeveloped compared to other emerging markets. While both sectors face structural barriers such as regulatory constraints, skills shortages, and limited access to finance, the Jobs Fund is actively seeking proposals that directly dismantle these bottlenecks.

​“The scale of South Africa’s unemployment challenge requires a fundamentally different approach... Through the 13th Funding Round, we are looking to partner with organisations that are responding to today’s employment challenges and are actively shaping the future of work in South Africa,” stated Najwah Allie-Edries, Head of the Jobs Fund.

How to Apply: Key Criteria for Applicants

​The funding round operates on a strictly competitive, transparent basis. Applications are open to sector intermediaries across the private, public, and non-profit sectors that possess a proven track record of implementation and the ability to deliver measurable results within a three-year window.

​Minimum Grant Allocation: Successful applicants will receive a minimum grant of R5 million.

​Match-Funding Requirement: All proposals must secure matched funding to demonstrate a shared commitment and maximize long-term impact.

​Sector Openness: While the primary focus is on the green and informal economies, high-quality proposals from other sectors with high job creation potential will also be considered.

​Applications must be submitted by 30 June 2026 at 15:00 PM. Interested organizations can find detailed eligibility criteria and submit proposals by visiting the official Jobs Fund website or by contacting jobsfund@treasury.gov.za.

​STAY AHEAD OF THE GAME: Are you an entrepreneur or community organizer looking to change the economic landscape? 

Keep up with the latest funding and growth opportunities. 

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Acting Minister Firoz Cachalia: Fourth Quarter Crime Statistics

Acting Minister Firoz Cachalia: Fourth Quarter Crime Statistics

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

LISTEN HERE @KASIBCAUDIO

Speech by the Acting Minister of Police, Mr Firoz Cachalia, at the release of the Fourth Quarter Crime Statistics, 22 May 2026, Pretoria

Deputy Minister of Police, Mr Cassel Mathale,

Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Andries Nel,

Deputy Minister of Social Development, Mr Ganief Hendricks,

Acting National Commissioner of the South African Police Service, Lt. General Puleng Dimpane,

Acting Head of the DPCI, Lt General Nkosi, Deputy National Commissioners present,

Provincial Commissioner of KZN, Lt General Mkhwanazi,

Representatives from the Civilian Secretariat for Police Service, IPID, Statistics SA and PSiRA,

Major General Thulare Sekhukhune, the SAPS Crime Registrar, Members of the media,

Ladies and gentlemen, Good day to you all.

We meet today to release the official crime statistics for the fourth quarter of the 2025/2026 financial year, covering the period 1 January to 31 March 2026.

The figures that will be presented today are not just numbers. They are a stark mirror held up to our society. Behind every statistic is a traumatised victim, a distraught family, a community living in fear.

I want to take this opportunity to extend our deepest sympathies to the Molosankwe family, following the murder of North West Province anti-crime activist and traditional healer, Thato Molosankwe. We are saddened to have lost an individual who was committed to fighting crime and corruption, while also working to strengthen relations between local communities and the police.

Maximum resources have been deployed to solve this heinous crime. Regrettably, too many people who stand up to crime and corruption, including councillors, professionals like auditors and lawyers are targeted for doing the right thing. Strengthening the regime of whistleblower protection must therefore be a priority. The Cabinet has approved the Protected Disclosure Bill for public comment. This is an extremely important initiative which Deputy Minister Andries Nel will speak to.

Since my appointment as Minister of Police, I have visited various communities affected by crime in different parts of the country. I have met and spoken with many people from communities bearing the brunt of crime. I am deeply aware of how terribly crime impacts on people’s lives, families and communities.

These statistics give us a clearer sense of the scale of the challenge, where it is happening, the factors driving crime and violence and the trends at national, provincial and local level.

The crime statistics are compiled by the SAPS Crime Registrar in line with international standards for official statistics. They draw on the crime reported at each of the 1 175 police stations across the country and have been independently assessed and accredited as official statistics.

They are also population‑adjusted, using Statistics South Africa’s mid‑year estimates, so that we can better assess the risk of certain crimes in each province.

These figures tell a complex story: one of progress that is real and measurable, but also that we continue to be challenged by deep‑rooted violence and organised criminality that threaten our people and our democracy.

While we must not sugar‑coat the reality, neither must we ignore the gains that hard‑working police officers and communities have made together.

I’ll now highlight the key trends.

Nationally, serious crime is down, but still at an unacceptably high level

Violent crimes, referred to by the police as “contact crimes” as there is direct contact between the perpetrator and victim – has declined by 4,6%. That means 7 405 fewer cases of violent crimes were reported compared to the same quarter last year. This trend started in 2024, with violent crime having dropped by 10,2% since then resulting in 17 440 fewer cases reported compared to this latest quarter.

Most strikingly, murder has decreased nationally by 9.5%. In the same quarter of last year, 5 727 people were murdered. 

That number has come down to 5 181. That means 546 fewer lives lost, and fewer grieving families and friends. Compared to the same quarter in 2024, there were 1 355 fewer murders or a 20,7% decrease. As this is our most reliable crime statistic, we pay particularly close attention to the data and information on murders.

It is also heartening to see double digit decreases in the serious armed robberies that make up the trio crimes. There has been a 20,4% reduction in house robberies, 18,3% in business robberies and 22% reduction in the robberies of non-residential premises compared to the same period last year.

I also welcome the slight 2% decrease in kidnappings given the substantial increases in this crime category since 2021/22.

Property‑related crimes such as burglary, theft of and from motor vehicles and stock theft dropped by 8,5%. Other serious crimes –including general theft and shoplifting – declined by 4,2%.

While we need detailed studies to help us better understand the factors behind these declines, in my view, the work of our police officers and communities have played a significant role.

But I must also be clear: the levels of violence and criminality in South Africa remain far too high. A decrease in crime is not the same as achieving safety. The levels of crime are still unacceptably high with 58 murders per day on average during this quarter.

Our goal is not just fewer crimes, but that communities are and feel safe everywhere.

  1. Crime Patterns show substantial variations across the country

The crime data also reveals notable provincial disparities and stubborn hotspots.

While Gauteng, the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal all recorded notable decreases in murders, these four provinces recorded over 80% of all murders in South Africa.

But the risk of being murdered differs vastly across the country. To establish the relative risk, we look at the murder ratio, that is the number of murders per 100 000 people nationally and in each province.

During this period, there were 8,2 murders per 100 000 people nationally.

The Eastern Cape presents the highest risk with 14,3 murders per 100 000 people, followed by the Western Cape with 12.8 murders per 100 000 people and then KZN at 8,8.

While Gauteng records the highest numbers of murders, the risk of being murdered in that province is half that of the Eastern Cape, with 7,1 murders per 100 000 people. The remaining five provinces all have lower murder rates than Gauteng, with Limpopo holding the lowest rate of 2,9.

Specific police precincts continue to appear at the top of the rankings for the most serious crimes. Major-General Sekhukhune will present the 30 specific police precincts that record the highest numbers of various serious crime types. While violent crime showed a decrease in most of these police precincts, a third of them still recorded increases.

These high crime precincts are not just places on a map. They are communities where fear has become a daily companion, where women and children plan their lives around danger, and where honest residents often feel abandoned to gangs and guns.

  1. Social Factors are behind much of our violence

The statistics also reveal that the home, where we should be safest, is for too many of our people, a dangerous place. 1 523 murders occurred in the residences of the perpetrator or victim.

Nearly half of all rapes in this quarter, 47.2% took place at the home of the victim or the perpetrator. That is 4 620 out of 9 782 rapes, committed not in dark alleys by strangers, but in homes, by people known to the victim.

Violence in South Africa is not only about strangers attacking strangers. It is about partners, relatives, neighbours, and acquaintances. It is driven by arguments, jealousy, road rage and other interpersonal conflict. In this quarter alone, 898 murders were triggere by arguments  and misunderstandings, a further 251 motivated by retaliation, revenge or punishment and 299 murders resulted from vigilantism.

This is a sobering truth: if we want to reduce violent crime, we must confront the culture of violence inside the home, the mistaken idea that men must be violent to be respected or that women must put up with violence to be loved

In fact, history has clearly taught us that violence is destructive, a weakness that must be overcome.

Alcohol remains a powerful accelerant of this violence. In this quarter, 7 267 incidents of assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, rape, attempted murder and murder were linked to alcohol use

We must address the toxic role of alcohol abuse and violence. The more alcohol we consume, the more violence we will suffer.  We need to understand this fact and start taking action to reduce alcohol consumption.

I have asked Civilian Secretariat for Police to take a closer look at the regulations that provide licences to liquor outlets and their trading hours. We must also reflect on the dangerous belief that “mob justice”, will make us safe. Thousands of lives have been lost due to vigilantism in South Africa over the years, and we are still not safe.

Violence does not solve anything. It only leads to more violence.

Organised Crime remains a key threat

Crime generally, and organised crime in particular, is not evenly spread across the country. It is heavily concentrated in our economic hubs and in certain high‑risk spaces.


Gauteng, the Western Cape, the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu‑Natal continue to contribute the largest share of serious and organised crimes. Gauteng remains the epicentre of several forms of violent organised crime:


It accounts for 57.1% of all carjackings in the country.

54.8% of all kidnappings.

And 48.4% of all cash‑in‑transit robberies.

These are not opportunistic crimes. They are the work of organised criminal syndicates that are highly mobile, heavily armed, and deeply embedded in our economic centres. They hijack vehicles, extort businesses, and terrorise workers transporting the salaries and social grants that keep families alive.


Extortion is a particularly dangerous trend. Our data sample of 469 extortion cases paints a worrying picture. Protection rackets – including the so‑called “construction mafia” – are spreading, especially in the Western Cape, which accounts for 57 out of 131 sampled protection racket cases.


These networks do not only steal money. They sabotage service delivery, collapse small businesses, and rob our people of jobs and opportunities. They bleed the state and drive away investment.


Of particular concern is the ongoing increase in commercial crimes. This crime category started increasing slowly a decade ago, but steep annual increases have been recorded since the advent of Covid19.


Much of this is organised crime who exploit vulnerable people and is increasingly happening online and in cyberspace. The increases are particularly concerning as a vast majority of this type of crime is not reported to the police.


As I have said before, much organised crime is not present in these crime statistics but emerges in the data contained in reports from the Auditor General, Special Investigation Unit, the Financial Intelligence Centre and the South African Revenue Service.


While high-flying and well-dressed criminals amass wealth and are revered by those who benefit from their illegal activities –too many of our communities will continue to suffer from drugs, shootouts, infrastructure damage and corrupt government officials.

As highlighted earlier, much of our violent crime is the result of interpersonal conflict, gender inequality, alcohol abuse, and a culture of resolving disputes through violence.


It is for this reason that we need to improve our focus on prevention through addressing the root causes and various social factors driving our crime levels. The police can do little to address these factors as are primarily responsible for enforcing the law and holding those who commit crime accountable.


The less crime there is, the better the police can focus on those who commit it. Effective crime prevention therefore requires enhanced support from all government departments and from community based, civil society and private sectors.


Already, there is a well-established network of violence prevention practitioners across all sectors that meet annually as part of the National Violence Prevention Forum. They review and support the implementation of evidence-based interventions that measurably reduce violence.

Examples include targeted support to children, young people and families at risk, alcohol and drug use reduction programmes, violence prevention programmes for schools, workplaces and communities, to better urban design. If these initiatives are supported, strengthened and rolled out at scale, we will see even bigger reductions in crime and violence across our country.

  1. Conclusion

The release of the crime statistics is not just a quarterly ritual to enhance transparency. They are a resource to be used  to enable  collective action to promote safety and not for politicking.

I urge all government departments at national, provincial and local levels to interrogate these crime statistics. They are an important indicator of the crime risks that have to be addressed. By better understanding the trends, patterns and factors driving crime and violence in your provinces and communities, better crime prevention plans can be developed and implemented.  

This is not just an undertaking by government, people and organisations from the civil society and private sectors can play a significant and meaningful role.

To our police officers, these figures are proof that your work can make a difference. We must now build on this progress with better intelligence, stronger investigations, and uncompromising integrity.

In closing I want to address an issue that is unambiguous. SA is a country of laws and the police are expected to enforce these laws without fear of favour. Our laws allow legal and not illegal immigration, and our police must enforce these laws across the country and at our borders.

Our laws also include the right to protest, but do not permit vigilantism, criminality and chaos in public. The police have the responsibility to maintain public peace and will enforce the law to ensure that public order is maintained.

I can confirm that the Human Rights Commission has written to me about these protests, and I will be responding to them due course. I can also confirm that the government will be engaging with groups that are organising protest action on illegal immigration to explain our view on this matter.

To the people of South Africa, I see the fear you live with. I see the courage you show in reporting crime, testifying in court,  and standing up to gangs.  I hugely appreciate those people who participate in Community Policing Forums, join  patroller groups  and undertake local level crime and violence prevention initiatives. This includes those of you who provide skills training to young people in sport, music and culture to after school and on weekends. All these initiatives make a substantial difference.

These statistics provide us with guidance. Our task is to transform this decline in violent crime into a sustained, long‑term reduction in violence and organised criminality across the country.

We will not rest until the right to safety, enshrined in our Constitution, is a lived reality in every home, every street, every  school, every taxi rank, and every village in this country.

I Thank You.

Acting Minister Firoz Cachalia

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COUNTING THE COST OF DRY TAPS: Gauteng Municipalities Summoned by Human Rights Commission Over Worsening Water Crisis

COUNTING THE COST OF DRY TAPS: Gauteng Municipalities Summoned by Human Rights Commission Over Worsening Water Crisis

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

LISTEN HERE @KASIBCAUDIO

JOHANNESBURG — In a major move toward public accountability, the Gauteng Provincial Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA) has confirmed that municipalities across the province will appear before the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC).  

​The scheduled appearance mandates local government authorities to provide transparent progress reports on interventions aimed at tackling the persistent water supply challenges plaguing Gauteng communities.  

​For ongoing, unfiltered coverage of this developing story and local community news, visit KASIBC_AFRICA at WWW.KASIBC.BLOGSPOT.COM.

A Constitutional Fight for Basic Rights

​The upcoming engagement before the SAHRC highlights a deepening urgency surrounding water security in South Africa's economic hub. According to COGTA, the hearings are part of a concerted effort to enforce accountability, improve intergovernmental coordination, and safeguard residents' constitutional right to reliable and sustainable water services, as outlined in the Constitution of South Africa.  

​Ongoing water supply interruptions have placed an immense, undeniable strain on township households, local businesses, healthcare facilities, and schools.  

What Municipalities Must Answer For

​Gauteng municipalities are expected to present concrete, actionable metrics during the hearings. The SAHRC will demand detailed outlines on:  

​Infrastructure Maintenance: Current steps being taken to improve the maintenance of aging water systems.  

​Water Loss Reduction: Strategies to curb massive water losses caused by systemic leaks and critical infrastructure failures.  

​Crisis Response Times: How local governments plan to accelerate response times to sudden supply disruptions.  

​Reservoir Management: System updates to stabilize and strengthen reservoir management to prevent widespread dry-outs.  

​The presentations will also highlight collaborative interventions currently underway between municipal bodies, the Gauteng Provincial Government, and relevant national entities to stabilize the province's fragile water network.  

The Intergovernmental Strategy

​In response to the ongoing crisis, the provincial government has highlighted its weekly Intergovernmental Relations (IGR) platform on water security. This initiative brings together municipalities and key stakeholders within the water value chain to actively monitor system performance, identify emerging risks, and deploy rapid interventions to high-risk areas of concern.  

​This forum was established alongside other sector-specific intergovernmental structures focused on service delivery priorities following the implementation of the Local Government Turnaround Strategy, which seeks to structurally reform municipal performance, governance, and accountability through coordinated support and oversight.  

​COGTA has welcomed the SAHRC's involvement, viewing the platform as an essential mechanism to measure progress, identify systemic roadblocks, and reinforce government commitments to restoring human dignity through uninterrupted service delivery. 

The outcomes and recommendations arising from the proceedings before the commission are expected to fast-track municipal relief efforts and further strengthen existing interventions across the hardest-hit communities.  

​STAY INFORMED: How is the water crisis affecting your neighborhood? 

Keep up with local government updates and community voices. 

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GOVERNMENT IN ACTION: Disaster Relief Handover in Vredenburg

GOVERNMENT IN ACTION: Disaster Relief Handover in Vredenburg

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

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VREDENBURG — In a decisive display of state-led support and social solidarity, the Deputy Minister in The Presidency, Nonceba Mhlauli, visited Vredenburg in the Western Cape to spearhead a vital Disaster Relief Handover Programme. The intervention comes in the wake of a powerful cold front that recently battered the province, bringing torrential rain, severe flooding, and freezing temperatures that heavily disrupted local households and livelihoods.

​For continuous coverage of government interventions, community development, and emergency relief updates across our Townships, visit KASIBC_AFRICA at WWW.KASIBC.BLOGSPOT.COM.

Standing in Solidarity with the Most Vulnerable

​Addressing community leaders, media, and residents, Deputy Minister Mhlauli emphasized that when natural disasters strike, the poorest and most vulnerable families bear the heaviest burden. The loss of basic necessities like a roof, clothing, or food is a major setback that directly threatens human dignity.

​In response, the national government is intensifying its relief footprint by coordinating resources through the National Disaster Management Centre alongside provincial and local governance structures.

The Power of Public-Civil Partnerships

​A central highlight of the Vredenburg relief initiative is the strategic partnership between the state and the Al Imdaad Foundation. Together, they distributed essential supplies and emergency relief packages designed to fulfill the immediate needs of affected families.

​"This initiative demonstrates an important truth: when government and civil society work together, we can respond more quickly, more effectively, and with greater compassion," Mhlauli stated, praising the foundation's generosity as a true reflection of ubuntu.

Celebrating 30 Years of Constitutional Rights and SASSA

​The Deputy Minister noted that this relief drive coincides with two historic institutional milestones for South Africa in 2026:

30 Years of the Constitution: Celebrating three decades since the supreme law of the land was established to guarantee the rights to housing, healthcare, social security, and basic human dignity.

​30 Years of SASSA: Commemorating thirty years of South Africa's social assistance framework, which continues to act as a vital economic lifeline protecting millions of vulnerable households from poverty.

​Mhlauli reiterated that whether through emergency disaster management, education initiatives, or social grants, the ultimate goal of the democratic state is to ensure that no South African is left behind.

A Call to Register for the Upcoming Elections

​Looking ahead to the upcoming Local Government Elections, the Deputy Minister concluded her address by urging all eligible citizens to register and make their voices heard. Highlighting that municipalities control key daily service delivery mandates—such as water, sanitation, and housing—she reminded residents that voting is the primary tool to enforce public accountability and shape the future of local communities.

​STAY EMPOWERED: How is your community adapting to recent weather shifts and local service delivery? 

Keep the conversation going. 

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REVEALED: EFF Fires Salvo at ANC’s ‘Deliberate Smokescreen’ to Shield Ramaphosa from Phala Phala Impeachment

REVEALED: EFF Fires Salvo at ANC’s ‘Deliberate Smokescreen’ to Shield Ramaphosa from Phala Phala Impeachment

BY : CHANON LECODEY MERRICKS ONLINE EDITOR KASiBC_AFRiCA

LISTEN HERE @KASIBCAUDIO

CAPE TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA — The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have launched a blistering, uncompromising political assault on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), vehemently condemning what they characterize as a calculated, deliberate obstruction of justice. At the center of the storm is the ANC's prolonged failure to submit its list of nominees to the National Assembly’s Section 89 Impeachment Committee, an essential parliamentary body mandated to investigate the long-standing Phala Phala farm scandal involving President Cyril Ramaphosa.

​In a sharply worded media briefing, the red berets completely rejected widespread mainstream media narratives suggesting that the ANC’s legislative paralysis is merely the byproduct of bureaucratic confusion or a bitter internal power struggle between ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula and National Assembly Chief Whip Mdumiseni Ntuli.

​According to the EFF, this narrative is a highly dishonest, well-coordinated political smokescreen manufactured to obscure a far more sinister reality: a systemic, party-wide strategy designed to frustrate the work of Parliament, subvert the Constitution, and protect the head of state from legal and political accountability.

​For raw, unfiltered political analysis, hard-hitting parliamentary updates, and breaking community news from across South Africa's townships, keep your eyes firmly fixed on KASIBC_AFRICA at WWW.KASIBC.BLOGSPOT.COM.

​Dismantling the "Internal Rift" Narrative

​For weeks, political commentators and internal party leaks have painted a picture of deep structural division within the ANC’s top brass. Reports suggested that Fikile Mbalula and Mdumiseni Ntuli were locked in an ideological impasse regarding which Members of Parliament (MPs) should be deployed to the high-stakes impeachment committee. The prevailing theory argued that the ruling party was terrified of inadvertently deploying rogue elements or factional opponents who might vote in alignment with the opposition to recommend the President’s removal.

​The EFF, however, has swiftly dismantled this explanation, calling it a cheap public relations stunt designed to buy time.

"The real issue confronting the republic is not ANC infighting," the EFF stated emphatically. "The real issue is that the ANC is refusing to deploy members to the impeachment committee because it seeks to delay, frustrate, and ultimately kill the work of the committee itself. They are treating the supreme law of our land like an internal party resolution that can be negotiated, postponed, or ignored at a whim."

​The opposition party further asserted that by withholding its mandatory nominees, the ANC is directly undermining the constitutional architecture of South Africa and turning the National Assembly into an extension of Luthuli House’s legal defense team.

The Legal and Constitutional Stakes: Section 89 and the Constitutional Court

​To fully understand the gravity of the EFF's condemnation, one must revisit the arduous legal history that birthed the Section 89 Impeachment Committee. The committee was not formed out of political goodwill; it is the direct consequence of an uncompromising Constitutional Court judgment.

​The apex court previously ruled that Parliament had fundamentally failed in its constitutional oversight duties when it unlawfully swept the Phala Phala matter under the rug during a chaotic, ANC-dominated National Assembly vote in late 2022. The court directed Parliament to establish a proper, institutionalized framework to implement Section 89 of the Constitution—the legal mechanism utilized to remove a sitting president from office for serious violations of the law or gross misconduct.

​In accordance with Rules 129J and 129K of the National Assembly Rules, the Speaker of Parliament is legally obligated to constitute an impeachment committee that fairly reflects proportional party representation. Because the ANC still holds a significant block of seats in the National Assembly, the committee cannot legally convene, elect a chairperson, adopt its internal terms of reference, or begin calling witnesses until the ruling party submits its list of members.

​By weaponizing this procedural requirement and refusing to hand over its names, the EFF argues, the ANC has successfully paralyzed a constitutionally mandated inquiry before it can even begin its work.

The Phala Phala Shadow: A Crisis That Refuses to Fade

​The Phala Phala scandal remains one of the most polarizing and potentially damaging political crises of the democratic era. The controversy erupted when it was revealed that millions of unrecorded, hidden US dollars were stolen from President Ramaphosa’s private wildlife farm in Limpopo. Rather than following standard reporting protocols via the South African Police Service (SAPS), allegations surfaced that a clandestine presidential protection unit covertly tracked down the suspects, interrogated them, and paid them off to ensure absolute silence.

​Subsequent independent findings, most notably the report compiled by former Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo's independent panel, concluded that there was prima facie evidence suggesting the President may have committed a serious violation of the Constitution and the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act.

​Despite these explosive findings, the ANC has consistently used its legislative majority to block, derail, and vote down independent parliamentary inquiries. The EFF contends that the current delay in forming the impeachment committee is simply the continuation of a multi-year cover-up campaign.

The Strategic Anatomy of Parliamentary Delay

​Constitutional experts and opposition strategists note that the ANC's stalling tactics are highly effective. By delaying the formation of the committee, the ruling party achieves several critical political objectives:

Strategic Objective

Political Mechanism

Intentional Consequence

Public Fatigue

Dragging out the legal process over months and years.

Exhausting public interest and reducing the media impact of the scandal.

Socio-Economic Distraction

Shifting national focus toward pressing crises like water shortages, inflation, and unemployment.

Pushing the Phala Phala inquiry into the background of national discourse.

Coalition Stabilization

Preventing explosive committee debates that could alienate conservative or centrist coalition partners.

Protecting the fragile political alliances holding the current governance structures together.

The EFF has vowed that it will not allow the ruling party to execute this strategy in silence. The red berets have signaled that they are prepared to take the matter back to the courts to compel the Speaker of Parliament to forge ahead with the committee, with or without the ANC's cooperation, arguing that a single political party cannot hold the entire constitutional democracy hostage.

Executive Accountability Under Siege

​The current battle over the Section 89 Impeachment Committee raises profound questions about the survival of executive accountability in South Africa. If a ruling party can systematically block the functioning of accountability mechanisms simply by refusing to show up or nominate members, the entire system of checks and balances envisioned by the architects of the democracy risks total collapse.

​The EFF has issued an urgent rallying cry to all progressive opposition benches, civil society formations, and ordinary South African citizens to reject the ANC's legislative maneuvers. The party insists that the defense of the Constitution transcends day-to-day party politics; it is a fundamental battle to ensure that no individual, regardless of their status or political office, is placed above the law.

​As the political deadlock deepens in the halls of Parliament, the nation watches anxiously to see whether the constitutional mandate of Section 89 will finally be realized, or if the Phala Phala inquiry will remain permanently buried beneath a mountain of bureaucratic delays and political screens.

​JOIN THE NATIONAL DEBATE: Is the ANC deliberately sabotaging parliament to protect the President, or is this a genuine internal administrative conflict? 

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